MUHARRAM AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE (4)
By:Syed-Mohsin
Naquvi
14 January 2006
This is the fourth article in the series
on Muharram and its significance. We began this series with an
introduction to the concept of Imamat in Islam. The first article in
this series introduced that concept from the holy Qur’an. The second
article presented a view of the same concept from Hadeeth by way of a
book review.
In the third of the series
we looked at the historical background of the ceremony of Hajj and its
connection to the event of
Karbala.
In this fourth article of
the series we come back to the direct historical background of the
Karbala story itself.
In the month of
Rajab of the 60th year of Hijra, Mu’awiyya died. Yazeed
became the Khaleefa of the
Muslim
Kingdom. People of Makkah and Madinah who had been
approving the Khilafat for the last fifty years, accepted Yazeed’s
accession to the throne without a word of protest.
The
last sentence above poses a question. Why would the people have
protested at all? What was wrong with Yazeed?
To
elaborate this point further, we present to the reader a chapter from
the book listed below:
THE ORIGIN AND
EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF SHI’A ISLAM
By: Husain M. Jafri, published by
Longman,
London, 1979
The book is based on Mr.
Jafri’s Ph.D. thesis. He received his degree in 1976 from the
American
University of
Beirut.
WE
would like to emphasize two major points here. This book was written
before the Iranian Revolution of 1979; and even though the word Shi’a
is mentioned as part of the title of the book, the book is written in
a very non-sectarian and rational style.
Yazid’s Accession to the Throne of Damascus – A Pretext to the Event
of Karabala
(A part of chapter 7 from Jafri’s book)
On Mu'awiya
death, his son Yazid assumed the caliphate in accordance with the
former's unprecedented testament in Rajab 60/March 680. A true
representative of the way of life common among the pre-Islamic youth
of the Umayyad aristocracy, Yazid commanded no respect in the
community. His anti-Islamic behaviour and openly irreligious
practices were well known throughout the Muslim world and earned for
him contempt and disfavour, especially among those who cared for
religion. Even those few writers who attempt to hush up some of the
information unfavourable to the Umayyad house could not refrain from
reporting that Yazid was the first among the caliphs to drink wine in
public and that he sought out the Worst company, spending much of his
time in the pleasures of music and singing and amusing himself with
apes and hunting-hounds. He himself had no use for religion, nor had
he any regard for the religious sentiments of others. Addicted to
wine-bibbing, attracted to singing-girls, and exposed to all sorts of
vices, Yazid has never been presented in good terms by any Muslim
writer of any period or by any school of thought.1
His open and persistent violations of Islamic norms were
still more shocking to the community because of his close proximity
to the Prophet and
the Rashidun caliphs, of whom he claimed to be the successor and
from whose authority he derived his title. Nevertheless, Mu'awiya's
meticulous arrangements, coupled with his formidable military grip
on the Muslim world, ensured the smooth succession of his son. Yazid
was thus hailed as the "Commander of the Faithful" by all the tribes
and the provinces; yet his title was not secure until he could
receive homage from the four most notable personalities of Islam,
whom Mu'awiya, in spite of his utmost efforts, could neither buy nor
coerce as he had done with all other men of prominence and the
chiefs of the tribes.
With the death of Mu'awiya the last of the
first generation who could claim for himself at least some political
importance, the caliphate had to pass on to the second generation (tabi'un)
after the Prophet. The grandees of this generation, as has been
described in the preceding chapter, were Husayn b. 'Ali,
'Abd Allah b. az-Zubayr, `Abd Allah b. 'Umar, and 'Abd ar-Rahman b.
Abi Bakr, the sons of the most prominent Companions of the Prophet
who were held in great respect by the community; Husayn, also being
the only surviving grandson of the Prophet, enjoyed greater regard
than the other three. It was therefore obvious that without their
recognition Yazid's authority could not be firmly consolidated.
Mu'awiya was fully aware of the importance
of these four, and having failed to secure their agreement to
Yazid's succession, he warned his son of the danger before he
breathed his last. On his deathbed Mu'awiya advised Yazid:
"O my son, I have arranged everything for you, and I have made all
the Arabs agree to obey you. No one will now oppose you in your
title to the caliphate, but I am very much afraid of Husayn b. 'Ali,
'Abd Allah b. 'Umar, 'Abd ar-Rahman b. Abi Bakr, and 'Abd Allah b.
az-Zubayr. Among them Husayn b. 'Ali commands great love and respect
because of his superior rights and close relationship to the
Prophet. I do not think that the people of
Iraq will abandon him until they have risen in rebellion
for him against you. As far as is possible, try to deal with him
gently. But the man who will attack you with full force, like a lion
attacks his prey, and who will pounce upon you, like a fox when it
finds an opportunity to pounce, is 'Abd Allah b. az-Zubayr. Whenever
you get a chance, cut him into pieces."
2
Mu'awiya's advice, commonly reported by many sources, confirms the
reports that Mu'awiya's efforts to secure the approval of these
grandees of Islam for Yazid's succession had not been successful. In
order to secure undisputed possession of the caliphate, the first
task Yazid undertook was to order the governor of
Medina, Al-Walid b. 'Utba, to exact homage from the
refractory, especially from Husayn and Ibn az-Zubayr. In his letter
to the governor, he gave strict orders that they should not be
allowed to delay, and if they refused, that Walid should behead them
at once. Some sources include the name of Ibn 'Umar as also having
been specifically mentioned in this letter.
3
Walid b. `Utba accordingly sent for Husayn and Ibn az-Zubayr at an
unusual hour of the night to oblige them to pay homage to the new
caliph. Both of them realized that
Mu`awiya was dead, and both had decided to stand by their refusal to
pay homage to Yazid. Ibn az-Zubayr did not go to the palace and fled
to
Mecca the following night. Husayn went to see the
governor, but was accompanied by a strong band of his supporters in
case of a serious confrontation.
Leaving his supporters at the gate, Husayn
went into the palace alone. Walid read to him Yazid's letter and
asked for immediate recognition of the new caliph. Husayn replied
uncommittedly that the bay`a, in order to be valid, must be made in
public and that the governor should arrange a public gathering in
the mosque where he would also be present. With this reply, when
Husayn rose to leave the palace, Marwan b. al-Hakam, who was present
there as well, rebuked
the governor, saying: "By God, if you allow Husayn to leave without
paying the homage now, you will never be able to get it from him; so
arrest him and do not free him until he pays the homage, or behead
him." In fact, Marwan had already
advised Walid to call these two for the bay`a, and if they refused,
Mu'awiya kill them at once before the news of Mu`awiya's death
became known to the people. Walid, however, did not accept this
advice: as Husayn left the palace, the former
retorted to Marwan's harsh attitude, saying:
"Do not reproach me for this, O Marwan. You have advised me to do
something in which there lies complete destruction and the ruin of
my religion. By God, if the entire wealth and treasures of the whole
world were given to me I would not kill Husayn. Should I kill him
only because he refuses to pay homage, I would
suffer total destruction on the Day of Judgement, for in the sight
of God there cannot be anything more accountable than the blood of
Husayn."
4
The reply of Walid to Marwan,
so commonly recorded by the sources, reflects that particular regard
and respect with which the grandson of the Prophet was held not only
by his followers, but by a great number of Muslims in general.
Husayn, however, succeeded in avoiding the demand for the Bay`a for
two days and finally escaped at night with his family and most of
the Hashimites to
Mecca. Walid b. 'Utba paid for his lenient attitude
towards the grandson of the Prophet: he was shortly thereafter
dismissed from his post as governor of
Medina.
Ibn az-Zubayr, who reached
Mecca before Husayn, had gathered people around him
against Yazid, and he is reported to have been harbouring secret
ambitions for the caliphate himself. But as soon as Husayn arrived
in the city, the people abandoned Ibn az-Zubayr and gathered around
Husayn. This was only natural, for our sources clearly state that
"Husayn was much dearer and far more respected by the people of the
Hijaz than Ibn az-Zubayr, who knew that the people there would never
follow him as long as Husayn was in
Mecca."
5
So great were the inclinations of the people to Husayn that after
his arrival there people prayed with him, performed the tawaf of the
Ka'ba with him, and preferred to stay around him most of the time.
Husayn, like his brother Hasan, combined in
his person the right of descent both from the Prophet and from `Ali;
and now after the death of Hasan he was the only candidate from the
Prophet's family. But in the preceding years he had done very little
to support his rights, restricting himself to a negative attitude
towards Yazid's nomination. Nor, due to Hasan's treaty with Mu`awiya,
was it possible for him to act as long as Mu`awiya was alive. This
he explained to the Shi`is of Kufa whenever they approached him
concerning an uprising. The death of Mu'awiya changed the situation.
On the one hand, Husayn was now free from the treaty obligations of
his brother and, on the other, the demand for active guidance and
leadership from the Shi`is of Kufa became increasingly pressing. As
soon as this group received word of Mu`awiya death, they held a
series of meetings expressing their renewed and enthusiastic support
for Husayn. They sent out numerous letters and a succession of
messengers urging Husayn to come to Kufa to take their leadership,
as they had no Imam other than him. The first letter Husayn received
on 10 Ramadan 60/15 June 680; it was signed by Sulayman b. Surad al-Khuza`i,
Al-Musayyab b. Najaba, Rifa`a b. Shaddad, Habib b. al-Muzahir, and
Muslim b. Awsaja in the name of the Shi'is and Muslims of Kufa, and
read:
"We thank God for casting down the tyrannical rule of your enemy,
who had usurped the power to rule this community with out any right,
allowed the possession of God to pass into the hands of the powerful
and the rich, and killed the best men [an allusion to Hujr b. 'Adi
and his supporters] while allowing the
worst of the people to remain alive. We invite you to come to Kufa,
as we have no Imam to guide us; and we hope that through you God
will unite us on the path truth. We do not go to
Fridaycongregational prayers to pray with Nu'man b. Bashir, the
governor of Kufa, nor do we assemble with him at the occasion of
the 'Id. If we hear that you are coming to us, we will
oust the governor from our city. Peace and mercy of God be upon
you."
6
This
letter, signed by the men named above, must have served as a major
incentive to Husayn, for the signatories had been trusted followers
of his house from the very beginning and had proven their loyalty at
the battles of Al-Jamal and Siffin with 'Ali. Though they had been
extremely perturbed and disappointed by Hasan's abdication in favour
of Mu'awiya, they nevertheless remained loyal to the former and
hostile to the latter. Apart from these early Shi`is, a great number
of other Kufans also wrote letters to Husayn, each
signed by numerous individuals for the same purpose.
7
Similar letters urging Husayn to assume active leadership were also
sent by the Shi`is of
Basra. Not all of them, however, had the same degree of
religious motivation: some had political aspirations, hoping to
throw off the yoke of Syrian domination.
The actions of Husayn, however, show that
from beginning to end his strategy was aimed at a much higher goal
than simply accession to the caliphate. There is no evidence that he
tried, while at Mecca, to enlist active supporters from among the
people who gathered around him or to propagate his cause among the
great numbers of people who were coming to Mecca for the Hajj; there
is also no evidence that he attempted to send his emissaries to stir
up any rebellion in provinces such as Yemen and Persia, which were
sympathetic
to his house, even though advised by some of his family members to
do so. And above all, had he acted promptly on the invitation of the
Kufans, while the governorship of the city was in the hands of the
weak Nu'man b. Bashir, he might have had a fair chance of success.
His speedy arrival would not only have forestalled any effective
action on the part of the Umayyad government, but would also have
stirred real enthusiasm among the Ku fans. This was emphasized by
the leaders of the movement when they wrote:
"In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate; to al-Husayn
b. 'Ali, from his Shi`a, the faithful Muslims: Further make haste,
for the people are awaiting you, as they have no Imam other than
you! So haste, and again haste! Peace."
8
This
last letter was signed by a number of people and was
sent with a delegation consisting of Hani b. Hani as-Sabi'I and
Sa'id b. 'Abd Allah al-Hanafi, the two most trusted Shi`is of Kufa.
In response to all these approaches, however, Husayn sent only one
letter in reply through this last delegation. The content of this
letter is worthy of note; it reads:
"From Husayn b. 'Ali to the believers and the Muslims [note that the
word Shi`a is not used]. Hani and Sa'id came to me with your
letters, they being the last among your messengers and delegations
to come to me. I have understood what you said and that you have
invited me to come to you because you have no
Imam to guide you, and that you hope my arrival there will unite you
in the right path and in the truth. I am sending my cousin and the
trusted one from my family [Muslim b. 'Aqil] to report to me about
your affairs. If his report conforms with what you have written, I
will soon come. But you must be clear about the
fact that the Imam is only one who follows the Book of God, makes
justice and honesty his conduct and behaviour, judges with truth,
and devotes himself to the service of God. Peace."
9
The
last sentence of the letter, explaining the duties of an Imam and
the nature of the Imamate, helps us to understand Husayn's approach
and attitude towards the whole problem.
Abu Mikhnaf has also preserved for us
Husayn's letter to the Shi'is of Basra, which is equally worthy of
quotation here.
It reads:
"God has chosen Muhammad from among his people, graced him with His
Prophethood and selected him for His message. After he admonished
the people and conveyed His message to them God took him back unto
Himself. We, being his family (ahl), his close associates endowed
with the quality of guardianship
(awliya'), his trustees and vice regent (awliya'), and his heir and
legatee (warith), are the most deserving among all the people to
take his place. But the people preferred themselves over us for this
[privilege]. We became contented, disliking dissension and anxious
to preserve the peace and well-being [of the community],
though we were fully aware that we were more entitled to this
[leadership] than those who had taken it for themselves... I have
sent my messenger to you and I call you to the Book of God, and the
Sunna of his Prophet, the Sunna which has become obliterated and
innovations have become active and energetic. If you listen to me
and obey my orders I will guide you to the right path. May the Peace
and the Mercy of God be upon you."
10
The
content of this letter is a complete statement of the Shi`i doctrine
of the Imamate even at this early stage. That the historical sources
have recorded little of what we may call Shi`i religio-political
theory is due to the fact that their main interest has been in
events, not in the underlying principles behind those events. Yet in
narrating the events the sources have preserved certain documents
such as letters or speeches which give us a glimpse of those ideals
which underly the events. We have quoted one of Hasan's letters in
the previous chapter and pointed out the thinking of the Ahl
al-Bayt. Now in the time of Husayn, twenty years after, Husayn's
letters give exactly the same vein of thinking. In these letters
Husayn adequately explains the concept of walaya, which means that
God has bestowed upon the family of the Prophet special honour and
qualities, thereby making them the ideal rulers, and that through
their presence on earth His grace is disseminated. The other two
terms of doctrinal importance
are walaya, trusteeship or custodianship, and warith, heir and
legatee, which are used by Husayn. We have seen in Chapter 4 that at
the time of `Ali election for the caliphate, he was hailed in these
terms by his closest associates. Now after
thirty-five years the same terms are being used by Husayn.
Both these terms carry the idea of God's
recommendation of
the family of the Prophet to the people, that Muhammad recommended
'Ali, and that at his death 'Ali recommended Hasan, who left the
legacy of the House for Husayn. It may, however, be too early for
these concepts to have assumed the
full flowering of their doctrinal content, yet one can see their
presence in their embryonic form.
The other important part of Husayn's letter
is his declaration that the right of ruling the community is the
exclusive right of the family of the Prophet and they alone can
guide the people in the right path; or in other words, they alone,
by virtue of their special qualities, can combine temporal power and
religious guidance together. Moreover, by this statement Husayn made
a judgement on the caliphates of Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman. Then,
in the last part of his letter, by calling people to the Sunna of
the Prophet Husayn implicitly rejected the interpretations of the
first three caliphs who were not among the Ahl al-Bayt. The
followers of the House of the Prophet would, therefore, go back
directly to the Sunna of the Prophet and their Imams, who are
divinely inspired (walaya).
However, Husayn decided to respond to the call. Two obvious factors
inspired him to act. Firstly, being the grandson of the founder of
Islam, he must have felt it his duty to respond to the repeated
appeals of these Muslims; and secondly, Yazid's pressing demand for
homage was such that Husayn's filial piety and pride could not allow
him to accept.
It was a difficult situation. Acceptance of
the authority of Mu`awiya as the head of the Muslim state was an
entirely different matter from the acceptance of Yazid. Mu'awiya, in
spite of his worldliness and indifferent attitude towards
religion, did not totally violate the norms of Islam, at least not
outwardly. Yazid not only violated Qur'anic norms and Prophetic
Sunna, but also openly subjected them to contempt and ridicule, as
has been the consensus of Muslim writers of
all times. Even Mu'awiya's own agents, in implementing the plan for
Yazid's nomination, were concerned about the latter's character.
Thus when Mu'awiya asked Ziyad to prepare the people of
Basra and Kufa to accept Yazid's nomination, the governor
advised Mu'awiya to try to mend the ways of his
son before asking people to swear allegiance to him.
11
Notes to Chapter 7
1
For the character and conduct of Yazid, see Jahiz, Rasa'il,
"Risala fi Bani Umayya", pp.294 ff.; Baladhuri, IVB, pp. 1-11;
Aghani; XV, p.232; Mas'udi, Muruj, III, p.67; Damiri, Hayat al-
Hayawan, pp. 261 ff.; Ya'qubi, II, p.228. It is indeed surprising to
note that Henri Lammens, in his Le califat de Yazid, contrary to the
unanimous reports of Muslim writers of all times, has taken great
pains to depict Yazid as an ideal character. Lammens' unusual
regard for the Umayyad house often led him to read the Arabic text
to suit his own purposes.
2
Baladhuri, IVB, pp.122 f.; 'Iqd, IV, p.226; Tabari, II, pp.196
f.; Dinawari, p.226
3
Baladhuri, IVB, p.12; Ya'qubi, II, p.241; Tabari, II, p. 216;
'Iqd IV, p.227; Bidaya, VIII, pp.146 f.
4
Tabari, II, p.219; Baladhuri, IVB, p. 15; Dinawari, p.228;
Bidaya, VIII, p.147
5
See Tabari, II, pp.233, 276; Baladhuri, IVB, p.13; Dinawari,
p.229; Mas'udi, Muruj, III, p. 55 Bidaya, VIII, p. 151
6
Tabari, II, pp.233 f.; Maqatil, p.96
7
Tabari, II p.234; Dinawari, p.229; Bidaya, VIII, pp. 151 f.
8
Tabari, II, pp.234 f.; Ya'qubi, II, p.242
9
Tabari, II, p.235; Mufid, Irshad, II, pp.35 f.
10
Tabari, II, p.240
11
See details in Tabari, II, pp.174 f.
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